Feeling the Heat: Exploring the Link between Emotions and Violence
By Darine Atwa
‘No one is born a violent extremist. They are made and fueled.’ ~ UNESCO
Why do individuals join a violent extremist group? What are the drivers behind this decision? And how do we prevent it? These questions have long occupied the academic and policy spaces, and continue to do so given that violent extremism is still one of the top national and international security threats.
A 2022 report by the Small Arms Survey and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) examined the perceptions of populations in parts of Chad, Libya, Niger, Nigeria, and Sudan of a number of drivers, actors, and values associated with violent extremism. The report provides a number of very interesting key findings that could be used to further understand the internal process that lead people to eventually perceive violence as a viable option. By considering some of these key findings, this blog post aims to explore the intricate connection between emotions and violence — how emotions affect behaviour, and why an individual may be involved in or attracted to violent extremism.
Why are emotions essential to understanding violent extremism?
According to the American Psychological Association (APA), emotion is defined as ‘a complex reaction pattern, involving experiential, behavioural and physiological elements’. Emotions are how individuals deal with matters or situations they find personally significant. Ample research has examined the impact of emotions on decision-making and behaviour, and their link to violence. Emotions are a component of everyday interactions and reactions. When it comes to violent extremism, it is integral to understand how the emotional context of individuals, combined with their specific social, cultural, political, and economic contexts, eventually makes violence a viable option.
Violent extremism is often adopted by some groups at a particular point in time to reach a specific goal. It is a reaction to sentimental feelings about a certain way of life, which has been already shaped by experiences and perceptions — feelings that could change over time as a result of multiple appraisals of the environment. Violent extremist groups capitalize on these emotions to generate the power to force change.
The Appraisal Tendency Approach (ATF) summarized this connection between emotions and behaviour by examining how and why emotions influence judgements and decision-making. The ATF describes the process, which is continuous, as an emotion that rises in response to an appraisal, leading to an effect on judgement. The approach also emphasizes how the type and intensity of that emotion not only has an impact on the individual’s decision at that point in time, but also affects future appraisals and decisions.
Putting emotions into play
Emotions are triggered by our perceptions of external circumstances and have a significant impact on our decisions and, ultimately, our behaviour. For example, emotions such as anger, fear, and resentment, among others, can intensify grievances and feelings of injustice, prompting an urgent need for action. In this case, emotions often drive individuals to take action to address perceived wrongs.
The Small Arms Survey–UNDP report on violent extremism examined seven drivers of violent extremism: poverty and deprivation; lack of adequate security and justice; lack of access to basic services; the strength of religious and ethnic identity; chronic instability and insecurity; the influence and role of non-state armed groups; and the illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons. It assesses the respondents’ perceptions of these drivers and their affinity to violent extremism. While the report did not intentionally prioritize emotions, it highlighted, in several instances, their importance and their possible translation into action.
Perceptions of violent extremist groups such as al-Qaeda, the Islamic State (IS), and al-Shabab in north-western Nigeria
A number of findings from the report highlight the role of emotions in understanding violent extremism. The report shows that 31% of respondents in north-western Nigeria, the highest percentage among the countries under consideration, felt that groups such as al-Qaeda, IS, and al-Shabab were ‘righteous’, while 30% felt that they were ‘just’. When considering the sample’s level of exposure to the seven drivers of violent extremism, with a particular focus on disgruntlement against the state, 30% of Nigerian respondents who were disgruntled against the government expressed strong support for extremist groups (see Table 1). More specifically, 28% and 26% of Nigerian respondents who were disgruntled against the government strongly agreed that violent extremist groups, such as al-Qaeda, IS, and al-Shabab, were ‘righteous’ and ‘just’, respectively (see Tables 2 and 3). Conversely, those who were not disgruntled against the government expressed much less support for these infamous violent extremist groups (18%), and a much lower proportion (10% and 9%, respectively) found these groups ‘righteous’ or ‘just’.
Table 1 Association between disgruntlement against the government and support for violent extremist groups, in north-western Nigeria
Table 2 Association between disgruntlement against the government and agreement that extremist groups are ‘righteous’, in north-western Nigeria
Table 3 Association between disgruntlement against the government and agreement that extremist groups are ‘just’, in north-western Nigeria
The data above implies that Nigerian respondents who express high levels of disgruntlement against the government tend to be more accepting of extremist groups and to view them positively. It is therefore reasonable to say that there is a link between disgruntlement, as an emotional state, and respondents’ favourable views of violent extremist groups.
Disgruntlement, frustration, and anger
Let’s take a step back to examine what the link between disgruntlement and violent extremism could mean in terms of emotions. According to the Cambridge Dictionary, ‘disgruntled’ describes a state of mind that includes feeling unhappy, annoyed, or disappointed. These feelings are usually directed towards a particular situation, experience, or circumstance. That said, feeling disgruntled does not just happen by itself; it is usually a result of habitual dissatisfaction. One of the famous examples used when explaining disgruntlement is in the context of the workplace when an employee, unsatisfied with the long hours and imbalance between pay and workload, may decide to steal office supplies from their employer. It is often a gradual progression to reach the point where disgruntlement catalyses action and motivates behaviour, going through various stages to reach the state of being extremely disgruntled, or ‘angry’.
Disgruntlement includes different emotions, with different intensities that could eventually lead to anger. Anger comprises four emotional levels: annoyed, frustrated, hostile, and enraged. When one moves from one stage to another, the level of tolerance for habitual dissatisfaction decreases, until you reach the fight or flight mood — anger. Anger, along with other emotional triggers, is associated with increased support for political violence and extremism.
In the case of north-western Nigeria, the high level of disgruntlement and anger towards the government compelled a number of respondents to view violent extremist groups favourably. These levels of disgruntlement and anger could lead individuals to view the government as a source of frustration, fostering a sense of helplessness among the population. In parallel, extremist groups present themselves as a sympathetic alternative to this state of disgruntlement. Extremist groups tap into emotions such as anger and frustration through narratives that frame the suffering of certain groups in terms of victimhood and oppression — thus forming a sense of solidarity and, potentially, offering a way out. The appeal of violent extremist groups could emerge as individuals look for alternatives ways to address sources of anger and frustration.
Perceptions of discrimination and marginalization
Several of the report’s findings demonstrate how the emotion of anger can impact behaviour. The report found, for example, that discrimination and marginalization along ethnic, tribal, or religious lines were most strongly felt in north-western Nigeria and western Sudan — where a subset of the samples in both areas showed strong support for extremist groups. The report also noted that ‘violent extremist groups can instrumentalize perceptions of marginalization and discrimination and weave them together into a simplifying narrative that can act as a catalyst for violence’.
Respondents believe they are discriminated against and, as a result, are marginalized. Discrimination and marginalization are usually associated with feelings of humiliation, shame, and hopelessness, among others, which eventually lead to anger and frustration. As explained earlier, anger is a process that involves layers of other feelings that continue to pile up until the point of explosion. Feelings of exclusion, powerlessness, and humiliation could motivate individuals to join extremist groups as these feelings induce anger in the form of revenge or retribution.
This is not to say that all feelings of anger, humiliation, and frustration inevitably result in support for violent extremism; numerous additional factors also come into play. The tables above clearly show that not everyone who is disgruntled supports violent extremist groups or views them positively. It is important to note, however, that, in different settings, the more intense the emotion, the more influence it has on perceptions, decision-making, and behaviour. As the habitual dissatisfaction and feelings of anger increase, our disgruntled employee decides to set the office furniture on fire.
In the case of north-western Nigeria and western Sudan, increased anger and frustration in response to perceptions of discrimination and marginalization can foster a pessimistic worldview and, when combined with other factors, may lead an individual to be attracted to a group of like-minded individuals. At this point, the alternative narrative of violent groups — one of identity and belonging — comes into play. Emotions are closely tied to one’s sense of identity and belonging. Extremist groups often foster a strong emotional bond and create a narrative reinforcing a collective identity based on shared grievances and/or victimhood. The intensified emotions of anger, humiliation, and frustration, originating from the perceptions of marginalization and discrimination, coupled with the extremist groups’ narrative that capitalizes on these emotions, could then become the perfect catalyst for joining a violent extremist group.
Emotions matter
‘The only way to change someone’s mind is to connect with them from the heart.’ ~ Rasheed Ogunlaru
To mitigate the risks posed by the power of violent extremist groups, it is important to understand why individuals join them. As the very essence of our humanity, emotions are an important but often overlooked element. Thus, the analysis of violent extremism must also consider the role emotions play in these contexts. In the murky waters of violent extremism, emotions serve as an undercurrent that often goes unnoticed yet wields profound influence over individuals and groups. Intense emotions, such as anger, humiliation, and frustration, can powerfully influence perceptions, beliefs, reasoning, decision-making, and ultimately behaviour — including joining or sympathizing with violent extremist groups.
The complex interaction between emotions; the social, cultural, political, and economic contexts of individuals; and the emotional ecosystem that sustains extremist groups and their ideologies offers immense analytical value in understanding violent extremism. Although academic research on emotions and violence has increased considerably in recent years, there is still a need for policies and procedures to account for emotions as a crucial variable. This will not happen, however, unless policymakers and stakeholders start to consider emotions as a critical source of knowledge that would better inform policies.
Darine Atwa is a Project Officer at the Small Arms Survey.
Research for this blog post was made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands through the Security Assessment in North Africa (SANA) project.
Blog posts are intended as a way for various Small Arms Survey collaborators and researchers to discuss small arms- and armed violence-related issues, and do not necessarily reflect the views of either the Small Arms Survey or its donors.
